Herring Harvest Activities

Timing of subsistence herring harvests depends on the quality of the herring, local weather conditions, and the presence of sea ice. Local residents recognize several "runs" of herring available during early spring and summer at Nelson Island. The early herring runs usually are not greatly utilized because the high fat content of these fish makes them difficult to dry in this maritime climate. Sea ice which hinders fishing often is still present during the earliest run, which is referred to as aciirtutet, meaning "those under (the ice)" further decreasing the likelihood of harvesting early run herring.

Tununak

In Tununak, the major effort in subsistence herring fishing in 1986 occurred between May 28 and May 31. Tununak fishermen began fishing immediately after the closure of the commercial herring fishery. . . .Within three days, most of the herring for subsistence had been harvested. Onshore winds intensified through the 3-day duration, which helped keep the schools of herring close to shore and aided the harvest effort.

The extensive tidal flats offshore of Tununak necessitate that fishing be coincident with high or rising tides, regardless of the time of day. Fishing crews leave the community on a rising or high tide and may fish until the next flood provides enough water to cross the mudflats to return with the catch. When conditions are optimal (relatively calm weather and plentiful numbers of herring) people intensify their effort, with fishermen making several trips during a tide, tending and picking their nets and returning with the fish. For each day a net is set, the actual time spent fishing is difficult to measure, but ranges from several hours to the whole day depending on weather conditions and the length of the net being used.

Forty-four of the 56 households which participated in one of the 37 extended-family production units provided fishermen. The 37 production units set their nets for the entire community. . . . Individual families fished between 1 and 3-1/2 days. However, to associate days of effort to a standard 8-hour workday would be misleading, as the actual hours of effort are dependent on highly variable factors such as weather, the presence of ice, and size of the schools of herring (Pete 1984).

Newtok

Subsistence herring fishing by Newtok fishermen occurred between June 4 and 12, 1986. Fifteen of the eighteen households involved in one of fifteen production units had a member that fished. The 15 production units fished an average of 1.2 net days, for a total of 18 fishing days for the production of herring for subsistence use. . . . Most families fished for one day, while two fished for two days, and one fished over a three-day period.

Because Newtok fishermen must navigate the tidally-influenced Ninglick River consisting of extensive mudflats and sand bars in order to reach fishing spots, the timing of the harvest is a function of when rising or high tides occur, as in Tununak. Transporting the catch back to the community for processing is easiest at high water. It generally requires about to hours to navigate the thirty ocean and river miles to the village.

Toksook Bay

In 1986, subsistence herring fishing was delayed at Toksook Bay due to persistent easterly winds which, according to local fishermen, kept the fish away from the shore. The easterlies cause turbulent, silt-filled waters in Kangirlvar Bay which herring apparently avoid. One fisherman indicated that northerly (offshore) winds were best for herring fishing in Kangirlvar Bay. . . .

When the wind decreased and shifted to the southeast, herring harvests commenced on June 5. The majority of the fishermen fished between June 6 and June 12 when most people had completed their initial harvest. Weather conditions were ideal during most of this time, and people were able to make several trips between the set nets and the processing facilities on shore.

A second fishing period occurred later in the month. Poor drying conditions resulted in the loss of some of the initial fish, particularly the "fatty" herring. Also, a local preference for smaller-sized herring prompted at least 6 families to fish again between June 18 and 21. Unlike Tununak where herring fishing was intense for a brief period of time, Toksook Bay residents spread their effort out over a longer period of time, essentially as long as the herring were present.

Forty-nine households (including three households which fished from Umkumiut) of the sixty-four involved in one of the thirty-five production units provided fishermen. The 35 production units fished for a total of 72 fishing days for an average of 2 fishing days per production unit. . . . . Individual harvesters fished from one to four days during the first season. Fishermen who fished during the second period fished only one day.

Nightmute

The 14 Nightmute production units had fishermen from 15 of 18 households including the 6 who fished from Umkumiut. Nightmute residents began fishing around June 3. The peak harvest occurred between June 6 and June 10. Herring fishermen fished from 1 to 6 days, averaging 2 fishing days per production unit with a total of 27 fishing days. . . . The one family based in Toksook Bay made a second harvest on June 20.

Umkumiut

Harvest activities of the three Toksook Bay and Nightmute six households which fished from Umkumiut were described in the previous sections. When viewed as a single unit; however, the herring fishing activities at Umkumiut closely paralleled those in Toksook Bay and Nightmute. All fishermen set nets close to the fish camp and fished for one or two days during the first two weeks of June for eleven fishing days. . . .

Roe-on-Kelp Collecting

Harvest of roe-on-kelp (elquat) begins as soon as spawning activity is intense enough to produce thick deposits of roe on the kelp (Fucus sp.) beds. It is usually hand picked at low tide and may be gathered in conjunction with tending nets. People continue to harvest roe-on-kelp as long as it is free from accumulations of sand and mud caused by storms and tidal action, or until the roe has matured to the point it is no longer considered edible. Roe-on-kelp collecting techniques are common to all Nelson Island communities; however, the degree of effort for collecting roe-on-kelp varies among communities and between years.

Roe-on-kelp collection was greatest at Tununak in 1986. Most Tununak households (31 out of 56) involved in the production of herring for subsistence use attempted to harvest roe-on-kelp in 1986. The collecting of roe-on-kelp by Tununak residents coincided with herring fishing. Low tide was the preferred time, although at higher tides, rakes and other long-handled tools can be used in deep water to scrape the kelp off the substrate. A few individuals used all-terrain vehicles, while most walked, to reach areas were roe-on-kelp was collected.

Three Newtok households collected roe-on-kelp in 1986. Most roe-on-kelp was soiled by deposits of silt by the time Newtok residents began fishing activities and may account for the low level of participation. At Toksook Bay, one person harvested roe-on-kelp before the start of subsistence herring fishing, and another household picked roe-on-kelp at Cape Vancouver during the peak of subsistence herring harvests. No one reported harvesting roe-on-kelp from Nightmute or Umkumiut in 1986, but several households were given enough for a couple of meals from relatives in Toksook Bay.

Beach grass Collecting

. . . One of many uses for beach grass (taperrnat) is to "braid" herring into the long strings or garlands that are tied and circulated around the log racks or spiraled around the "teepee" racks to dry herring. Beach grass grows on well-drained coastal gravel and beach ridges. Women gather it primarily by cutting the stalks at their base with an Uluaq, the women's semilunar knife. Beach grass can be picked any time after it has died (turned brown). It is most commonly collected in fall rather than spring. The weight of the winter snow on the grass can make its quality less desirable for its other uses besides "braiding" herring (i.e., the shorter, straighter blades are used primarily to make baskets). After harvesting, it is tied into bundles and stored until used the following spring. Before being used, the grass is soaked in seawater to make it more pliable and less likely to cut or scratch the hands of the processors.

Beach grass cut and stored at Umkumiut and Ngelumiut the previous fall was collected and brought into the owner's herring processing area during the days just preceding the start of fishing activities. A few families gathered grass in season close to town when their supply ran out. . . . One woman reported purchasing grass collected by someone from Mekoryuk on Nunivak Island. She stated it was superior to work with, and she is too old to harvest it herself locally. Some people incorporated strips of cloth into their braids, either for additional strength or to conserve their supply of grass. . . .

Processing and Storing

Herring and Sac-Roe

The most critical part of the production of herring for subsistence use is the processing. It is the most time consuming and labor-intensive aspect of the subsistence fishery. Not only must the harvest, which may exceed 5,000 pounds of herring, be prepared for drying, but once the fish are on the drying racks, they must be turned or rotated to ensure they dry evenly. Dry, windy days provide ideal drying conditions. The total processing time required to produce dried herring for subsistence use can be as long as two months or longer if conditions are not optimum. The drying fish must be protected from rain and intense sun and heat. Prolonged hot, dry or wet weather can result in an unusable harvest. Intense heat from the sun can "cook" or burn the herring such that the flesh becomes rancid, peels and falls from the skin. Wet weather, which prohibits drying, can also make the flesh rancid, sour, and rotten. Additionally, long thin logs, milled lumber, or thick rope must be threaded through the braided strings of herring in extremely windy weather so the strings do not become tangled or break.

As soon as spring daytime temperatures are high enough melting to reveal the outlines of the pits, Tununak, Umkumiut, and some Toksook Bay residents begin maintaining and preparing the elliviit (singular, ellivik) or subterranean storage pits. Tununak, Umkumiut, and limited areas around Toksook Bay are the only places that adequate soil drainage allows use of elliviit. In these places, each set of racks has a large pit associated with it. Pits may be as deep as five feet, and six feet square or in diameter. Any melt water or remaining snow is removed from the pit; and for several days, each pit is bailed dry until water seepage no longer occurs. Once it is free of excess moisture, the pit is lined with bunches of grass or woven grass mats, cardboard and/or plastic sheeting. Once the harvest has been hung to dry, the pit lining is dried and then burned on the beach. Herring are placed in above-ground "cribs" in Newtok, Nightmute, and most areas in Toksook Bay, where poor soil drainage prohibits use of elliviit. The "cribs" are made with logs or scrap lumber placed into, usually, a square-shaped enclosure.

Aside from the use of storage pits in Tununak, Umkumiut, and some areas in Toksook Bay, much of the processing, drying, and storage techniques are essentially similar among all the communities. Women hold the primary responsibilities for processing herring and ensuring processing facilities are properly maintained. In some circumstances, such as widowers, men do assume these responsibilities. Including the several days to one week that the herring are aging in the storage pit, it may take up to two weeks to gut, slime, and braid the herring onto strings of grass for drying. Processing must take place regardless of the weather so temporary windbreaks or shelters are constructed to protect workers. If the production unit has a limited number of processors it may take longer. First, the fish must be properly aged. In Tununak, Umkumiut and parts of Toksook Bay, this is accomplished by placing the herring in the elliviit, or pits, which are covered with grass mats or tarps. In Newtok, Nightmute, and most of Toksook Bay, canvas or Visqueen tops protect the herring in above-ground "cribs." Aging allows the ventral wall of the fish to become more tender, making them easier to gut. Aging also hardens the carcass so the fish are easier to handle during processing. Further, aging lets the sac-roe harden enough so the skeins can be removed in one piece. Sac-roe taken from the herring is further aged until the skeins are firm. It is spread on a flat surface to dry and must be turned periodically to promote even drying.

As the herring are gutted and the sac-roe is set aside, the processors watch for "fatty" herring, which have striking whitefish flesh along the spine and ribs, and has very light-colored flesh when opened. The fatty herring receive special treatment because they are most vulnerable to spoilage from too hot or wet weather. They are filleted, either by running the thumb along both sides of the spine to remove the vertebrae or by using a paring knife or homemade ulligcissuun ("a device for cutting fish for drying") which is a piece of bone or ivory, sharpened and pointed on one end with the other end wrapped in cloth, and string or twine to form a comfortable handle. The processed "fatty" herring, called ullipengayiit (plural) which means "those that are cut and exposed to the air," are laid, flesh up, on flat surfaces to bead or "sweat" their oil. In contract, processed non-fatty herring are called tamalkuryat, meaning "those that are whole (i.e., not exposed to air)." Tununak residents string up all the fatty herring, in contrast to the other villages, where most of them are left on the flat surface to dry as "blankets."

Herring are "braided" with beach grass as soon as the pile of gutted herring becomes large enough to produce several strings. Given ideal conditions, it may take a month to dry the herring. Sac-roe dries much quicker, but may still take several weeks to dry completely. Some fish either individually or in whole strings are removed prior to being completely dried, either to be immediately eaten boiled (as egamaarrluk) or frozen for later use. Most of the fish are left hanging until completely dry. Fish are removed as they dry from the strings throughout the drying process. They are twisted from the strings leaving the head in place, and the headless fish are placed in large open-weave baskets, called tut'at, for storage. Initially, within the baskets, a pocket is formed in the middle of the loose mound of herring to allow the air to circulate, and the door to the storage cache is kept ajar for a week to ensure adequate ventilation and to retard mildew. The bulky baskets of fish are placed in corners of the family's storehouse. Some of the "fatty" herring are stored in sealskin pokes with seal oil.

The sac-roe (called imlaucuaq) is dried into a product resembling golden chips. The dried roe is placed in containers and stored in the cache. It is usually soaked in water prior to eating, but is also eaten dried. All sac-roe from subsistence-caught herring was processed in all communities. . . .

Roe-on-Kelp

Much of the roe-on-kelp is consumed soon after it is harvested, but a portion of the harvest is preserved in sealskin pokes filled with seal oil. It is difficult to quantify the amount of roe-on-kelp collected in a given year. Individuals use different sized containers for collection and storage which hinders efforts to gauge harvest levels. People report taking less roe-on-kelp than normal in 1986 because of poor harvest conditions. High winds and turbulent seas stirred up and sand and silt which coated the sticky roe making it inedible. Local community concern over maintaining viable herring stocks may have had some influence on limiting collection of roe-on-kelp. Some individuals reported that local kelp beds appear to be diminishing in size during the past two decades. Current local harvest levels of roe-on-kelp, while insufficiently documented, do not appear to be very large. What factors are associated with the perceived declines of kelp beds are as yet undetermined. . . .

THE PRODUCTION OF HERRING FOR SUBSISTENCE USE

The recruitment of persons into production units for harvesting and drying herring is kinship based in all four Nelson Island communities. Kinship is the regulating principle for many social, economic, and political aspects of Yup'ik culture (cf. Fienup-Riordan 1983; Lantis 1946; Shinkwin and Pete 1984). . . .

Each production unit had a "rack managing couple," typically a married couple or a widow(er) and her or his eldest son or daughter. The married couple or widow(er) are commonly the head of an extended family unit comprising one or several households. Within this "rack managing couple," one person (usually the male) oversees harvesting of herring; while the other (always female, at least in the 1986 season) manages processing. Although it was infrequent, "rack managers" may not actually harvest or process herring, but they direct the activities of the members of the production unit, such as deciding where gill nets are to be set, who checks them and when, and when they are to be pulled from the water. The managing couple jointly decide when the harvest amount is adequate for the production unit. In most cases, the "rack managers" or members of their household owned the equipment needed for herring fishing, such as the nets, boat, and outboard motor. They are obligated to make sure that gasoline, motor oil, and beach grass are provided for the group, most commonly composed of primary kin (parents, children, grandchildren, and siblings), who cooperate to harvest and process herring for their winter food. In general, relationship of harvesters and processors to managers is that of son or son-in-law and daughter or daughter-in-law to parents or parents-in-law. Each unit has "managers" who direct activities of the group, provide equipment, and maintain facilities needed for the production of herring for subsistence use for that group. . . .