Excerpted From Alaska Department of Fish and Game Technical Paper No. 155, January 1990.

CONTEMPORARY ROUND OF FISH AND WILDLIFE HARVEST

Resource harvesting by Galena residents is a pattern of recurring use in specific seasons each year. A generalized depiction of seasonal harvest for Galena residents in 1985 is generally representative of 1980-85. . . .

During 1980-85, furbearers were trapped during the winter months when furs were prime, generally starting in early November as soon as lakes and rivers were frozen and permitted safe travel. Early season emphasis was on marten, lynx, and red fox; while beaver were trapped most heavily through February and March. Land otter were caught during the same time as beaver; while wolf and wolverine were taken whenever available throughout the winter. "land and shoot" taking of wolves was most common in February and March. Trapping continued through the season as long as furs were in good condition.

Moose were generally taken only during the 20-day September season and the 10-day February season, but some were taken at other times when absolutely needed. Caribou were harvested when most accessible during the late winter months of February, March, and April. Black bear were taken throughout the summer and fall. Waterfowl were primarily hunted as they first arrived in spring and as they gathered in early to mid August through September before migrating south.

The first king and summer chum salmon were caught in late June continuing into July. Fall chum and coho salmon were harvested throughout August into September. Burbot fishing was concentrated during and just after freeze-up on the Yukon River; while Arctic grayling, long nose sucker, and other fish species were taken throughout much of the year, thereby providing an important source of fresh fish.

Specific patterns of camp use have changed since historic and aboriginal times. Although the emphasis on winter trapping camps and summer fish camps remains a significant part of local harvest activity. Use of fish camps in 1985 was strongly associated with commercial fishing. Of the 13 sampled households using fish camps, 12 had a member who possessed a limited-entry commercial-salmon-fishing permit. Fish camps were typically situated at locations, which had been in family use for many years. In several cases, the entire household relocated to the fish camp for the duration of the salmon harvest. Travel among fish camps and Galena has been influenced in part by the "split week" salmon fishing periods (two days open, one day closed; two days open, two days closed) which applied to both subsistence and commercial fishing.

Moose hunting camps were usually set up on only a temporary basis, generally by members of the hunting party and not the entire household. However, some hunters used the same locations from year to year. Hunting camps were used for several days to over a week.

Trapping camps were used by 41.9 percent (13 of 31) of trappers in the sample. Unlike historic times, entire family groups did not occupy these camps for the season. It was not uncommon for a single male whose trapping area was over 50 miles from Galena to spend much of the trapping season at his camp. One influence, such as mandatory school attendance, has tended to preclude entire families from seasonally residing in trapping camps.

Spring camps were less commonly used, although several individuals still had spring camps. The primary spring harvest activity was waterfowl hunting. Muskrat were pursued less frequently than in historic times, which was attributed by several residents to the current low levels of muskrat population and the prices paid for muskrat pelts. . . .

SHARING PATTERNS

Considerable giving and receiving of resources took place among households at Galena. Many households obtained wild resources primarily be receiving them from other households and not from their own harvest activity. Overall, 70.3 percent of the sampled households (52 of 74) indicated they used more wild resources than they harvested. The remaining 29.7 percent indicated the amount they harvested was greater than the amount they consumed. . . .

Moose was given to other households with a greater frequency than any other resource. One result of this sharing was that, overall, many more households used wild food than harvested wild food. Moose, fall chum salmon, and king salmon were the most widely used resources. Nearly all households (94.6 percent) reported using moose.

The greatest differential between harvest and use was found among three resources: caribou, fall chum, and king salmon. These were all resources which required comparatively greater travel to hunting areas such as for caribou, or access to productive fishing sites, such as for salmon with set gill nets. In contrast, a much lower rate of sharing or exchange was found for berries, grouse, pike, or hare--all resources, which were more readily obtained in terms of shorter travel distance, less equipment, required for harvesting, and greater availability of harvest areas. . . .