By

Mary C. Pete

Excerpted From Alaska Department of Fish and Game Technical Paper No. 192, February 1991

SUBSISTENCE HERRING FISHING

Nelson Island District

Kin-based, subsistence herring production units, or fishing families, organized the complex of activities necessary to harvest, process, and store herring for the winter. Men did most fishing, and women did most processing. Fishing families were often composed of members from more than one household. Commonly, adult children cooperated with their parents who lived in separate households to produce herring for subsistence use. Participation in subsistence herring production . . . was typically high. There was an annual average involvement by 80 percent of all households, which included over 40 percent of the regional population and approximately 85 percent of the people between the ages of 15 to 70 years. Children as young as six years old were involved in some aspect of subsistence herring production.

Each community used traditional fishing areas, which were located in proximity to the settlements. Set gillnets with mesh sizes 2 to 2-3/4 inches were the most common gear, although drift gillnets were also occasionally used. Nets were typically between 60 and 150 feet long with some as long as 300 feet. Locally made, wooden, and industrially manufactured, aluminum boats between 14 to 28 feet long were used for subsistence herring fishing. Most boats were between 18 and 22 feet in length.

Herring season from preparations for fishing through aging, cleaning, braiding, drying, and storing the herring began as soon as the adjacent ocean became ice-free, generally in late May, and lasted for about two and one-half months. It was a very busy time of year with many other subsistence activities occurring around those involving subsistence herring production. Herring sac-roe from processed herring was aged and spread out to dry; herring spawn-on-kelp (elquat) was also collected. Other fish species sought throughout this time included halibut, Pacific cod, wolf fish, five species of salmon, capelin, smelt, and many species of shellfish and marine invertebrates. Many of these fish were also processed for drying on separate drying facilities. June through August was the most common time to get seasonal wage employment, often outside the communities. Most subsistence fishing occurred after the local commercial herring season was over, except for Tununak; they fished as soon as herring arrived in the area. The other communities preferred the smaller sized "less-fatty" herring which arrived later (early to mid June). In spring and fall (May, June, and September) beach grass, called tapemat was gathered to use in braiding herring into strips (piirrat) to dry. Throughout the season, assuring adequate numbers of well-tended herring were on the drying racks was always a priority task. It was their main food for the winter. . . .

Nunivak Island and Kuskokwim Bay

Gear used for subsistence herring fishing by Kipnuk fishermen was similar to that used by Nelson Island fishermen (Pete et al. 1987). In Kipnuk, outboard-powered boats ranged in length from 12 to 24 feet. Locally constructed, wooden and aluminum skiffs were used. Drift to set gillnets ranged from 12 to 450 feet in length with stretched mesh sizes from 1 to 2-3/4 inches (Anderson 1985; Pete et al. 1987). Drift gillnets were used more frequently than set gillnets because much of the fishing areas was heavily influenced by the tide. Mud flats and eelgrass were exposed at low tide, inviting seagulls to pick at entangled herring.

In Kipnuk, herring caught for subsistence use were processed in a manner essentially similar to that described for Nelson Island. Although herring were not aged in pits, they were gutted, cleaned, and braided into strings to dry for winter food. Just as it did in Nelson Island communities, subsistence herring production in Kipnuk coincided with many other subsistence and income generating activities. Subsistence fishing and processing of salmon, smelt, cisco, and whitefish, gathering several species of edible plants, and processing sea mammal hides harvested earlier in the spring occurred throughout this time (Stickney 1984).

Most subsistence herring fishing areas of each community were in nearby waters, with the exception of Mekoryuk where people were reported to fish for herring along the entire eastern coast of Nunivak Island (Pete 1984) or within the Nunivak Island fishing district. The communities from Chefornak, south and east to Kongiganak, fished in the Cape Avinof district. A few people from Chefornak joined relatives in Toksook Bay and at Umkumiut, to fish for and process herring for subsistence in 1986 through 1988 (Pete and Kreher 1986; Pete et al. 1987). . . .

Effects of Reduced Herring Stocks on Subsistence Fishing From About 1960-80

Beginning in the early 1960s, changes in the herring runs returning to Nelson Island were observed. Numbers fluctuated from year to year, herring sizes decreased, and productivity changed in usually consistent fishing areas. During this time, Nelson Island residents reported finding more glass floats and pieces of monofilament herring gillnet webbing on beaches around Nelson Island. In 1968 and 1969, local residents saw large, foreign fishing boats north of Nunivak Island, and in Etolin Strait, while seal hunting in spring (early May). In 1973, one person found and extremely long section of gillnet webbing, over several thousand feet long. At that time, locally made nets, ranging from 20 to 60 feet in length with multifilament cotton or nylon twine, were the predominant gear for subsistence herring fishing.

From the late 1960s through the mid-1970s, subsistence herring fishing was generally unpredictable and often not productive for many fishermen. Herring were small; they passed through set gillnets previously used. Fishermen began using smelt and capelin dipnets or pieced together webbing with mesh sizes 1 to 1-1/2 inches. They often drifted for herring with these short nets. Nets were set for weeks rather than days. A few fishermen salvaged and hung the monofilament webbing they found on beaches. Although herring were more likely to get caught in those nets, because of the smaller mesh size, the nylon mesh dug into the flesh of the herring complicating processing and sometimes making them unusable food.

Consistently productive fishing areas, such as waters off Chinit Point and Cape Vancouver became erratic, and were heavily fished by residents of all communities when herring occurred in appreciable numbers. Because spawn-on-kelp was sparse, local residents felt that whatever spawn was deposited should be allowed to produce herring, and spawn-on-kelp collecting ceased. Subsistence herring harvests declined; several families noted for catching up to two tons of herring estimated that they got no more than 100 to 200 pounds--"a pilot-cracker-box full."

Because of the unpredictable nature of herring fishing and unreliability of success, many families ceased subsistence herring fishing and concentrated on other species. This was especially true for the residents of Newtok and Nightmute. These two communities, located near productive freshwater fishing areas, reportedly increased production of pike, whitefish, burbot, and blackfish for food to sustain them through the winter. Tununak and Toksook Bay residents also targeted other species, as well. Halibut, sculpin, "needlefish" (stickleback), flounder, saffon cod, Dolly Varden, all species of salmon, smelt, and capelin harvests increased. Late summer and fall berry picking trips made by residents of all four communities to the eastern side of Nelson Island and the adjacent mainland were prolonged in order to set nets for pike, whitefish, and burbot. These substitutes increased gasoline and time expenditures during both harvesting and processing. . . .