CONTEMPORARY SETTLEMENT PATTERNS

The contemporary settlement patterns of Chuathbaluk and Sleetmute residents still incorporate seasonal movements. People move among two or three different locations that serve as focal points for conducting different fishing, hunting, trapping, and gathering activities. In addition to the winter village, settlements include summer fish camps and winter trapping camps which households use annually. In addition, other temporary, short-term camps are established during the year by some households: spring camps where muskrat are harvested, seasonal hunting camps used for harvesting moose, bear, and/or caribou, and fall berry picking camps. . . .

THE ANNUAL ROUND OF RESOURCE HARVEST, JUNE 1982 - MAY 1983

The annual round of resource harvest by Chuathbaluk and Sleetmute residents is influenced by the seasonal availability of resources, species abundance, habitat distribution, time of year at which resources are most palatable or valuable, and regulations imposed by the Department of Fish and Game. Species selected for harvest vary from year to year in response to a combination of the above variables. . . .

Minor variations in the annual round occur in each community. Rainbow trout, smelt, and blackish are harvested only by Chuathbaluk residents. Migratory fish species, such as salmon, lamprey, sheefish, and burbot, arrive in Sleetmute up to two weeks later than they arrive in Chathbaluk. Households in each village may select orientations around the resource base. . . .

Salmon, greens, and berries are the target resources during summer and early fall months. Several non-salmonid fish species are harvested, as well. Bear, moose, and caribou are sought in late summer and early fall. Bear are occasionally taken in late spring and summer. Caribou are harvested between November and February during the legal hunting season. Moose are taken during the open September, November, and February seasons. Both moose and caribou are occasionally harvested in other months as well. The harvest of small game animals typically occurs between fall and spring. Waterfowl are generally harvested during their spring and fall migrations, but may be taken in summer. Non-salmonid fish species are harvested throughout the year depending on local and seasonal abundance. Furbearers are harvested between November and June during the legal trapping season for each species.

SALMON FISHING

Salmon have been the primary staple in the diet of the Kuskokwim River Eskimo since aboriginal times (Oswalt 1978). Abundance and relative predictability of this resource have enabled the Kusquqvagmiut for permanent settlements along the river (Oswalt 1978). Annual summer fish camp settlements were operative at the time of historic contact (circa 1830) and, as previously described, have persisted into present day. . . .

Central Kuskokwim River residents begin to prepare for summer salmon fishing in May. Most households move to their fish camps sometime in June. Salmon fishing activities take place between June and September. Most households complete their fishing activities by mid-August, limiting their harvest of silver salmon in part because of the difficulty in drying them during August and September when heavy rains may prevail. The school year commences in mid-August, and berry picking and hunting become focal resource harvest activities, also curtailing salmon harvest. Households who failed to harvest an adequate supply of king salmon usually harvest silver salmon. . . .

DISTRIBUTION AND EXCHANGE

The distribution and exchange of fresh and dried salmon in central Kuskokwim communities was documented by mason (1967) and is currently as common practice in Chuathbaluk and Sleetmute. Local informants stated that prior to the use of snowmobiles, the commercial sale of dried fish to miners and other individuals traveling by dog team and requiring dogfish was widespread. Many local residents also traded bundles of dried fish for imported supplies obtained at local stores. Dried fish was sold or exchanged by households who produced a surplus (Mason 1967). Village households that neglected to process and store dried salmon often bought fish from these households (Mason 1967). The commercial sale of dried salmon on local markets is currently conducted on a limited scale. . . .

The distribution and exchange of fresh and dried salmon among friends, relatives, and visitors, independent of monetary value standards, was, and continues to be, common in central Kuskokwim communities (Mason 1967). Mason (1967) reported that gifts of fresh salmon were common throughout the summer without expectations of reciprocity. In 1982, it was observed that in Sleetmute and Chuathbaluk, fresh salmon were commonly given as gifts to both friends and relatives who did not participate in salmon fishing. Individuals often were invited to take fish from the set nets or fishwheels of other individuals.

In the mid-1960s, dried salmon was not given as freely as fresh salmon, due in part, to its greater value from the labor invested in processing (Mason 1967). An expectation of reciprocity, if the form of goods or labor, typically accompanied gifts of dried salmon (Mason 1967). Similarly, in 1982, dried salmon was observed to be distributed less extensively than fresh salmon. Individuals who assisted other households at their summer fish camps received a share of the dried salmon in exchange for their labor. Cooperative fishing households often shared a common cache from which both households drew fish. Salmon was distributed to non-fishing households by fishing households with which they shared kinship ties. Salmon was also exchanged between two fishing households with kinship ties. Dried salmon was freely offered to household visitors and distributed to extended family groups on camping trips. Dried salmon also was given to close kin relations such as brothers, sisters, sons, daughters, and grandchildren residing outside the central Kuskokwim region. It was observed that dried fish was given in exchange for favors or manual labor provided by other individuals. Dried fish was distributed community-wide during Russian Orthodox celebrations of weddings, Slavic, and 40-days feasts. . . .

The four contexts in which salmon distribution takes place in the central Kuskokwim documented by Mason (1967) include: commercial sale of fresh fish, commercial sale or trade of dried fish, distribution of fresh fish with no expectation of reciprocity, and distribution of dried fish with some expectation of reciprocity, and continue to function in Chathbaluk and Sleetmute. The distribution of dried salmon does not always occur with an expectation of reciprocity, however. Salmon distribution and exchange occurs both along and independent of kinship lines.

NON-SALMONID FISH SPECIES FISHING

Non-Salmonid fish species including: arctic lamprey; sheefish; least cisco; round, broad, and humpback whitefish; rainbow trout; arctic char; arctic grayling; boreal smelt; Alaska blackish; northern pike; long nose sucker; and burrito are harvested year-round in Chuathbaluk and Sleetmute, and are particularly important as a food source in months when fresh salmon are unavailable. These species have formed part of the central Kuskokwim Eskimo diet since aboriginal times (Michael 1967). Rod and reel, hook and line, fish traps, set nets, dipnets, and fish leisters are currently used for harvesting non-salmonid fish species. Individuals representing all age and sex groups often participate in the harvest of at least one of these species, though males are more active participants than females. Fish processing usually takes place by the female members of a household, though males will assist in cutting, cleaning, and occasionally in preparation. . . .

MOOSE HUNTING

Seasonal Techniques

According to local residents, traditionally moose were harvested throughout the year in the central Kuskokwim drainages often when encountered in the course of pursuing other activities. Moose were actively sought in late August and September when men traveled up a tributary of the Kuskokwim River by birchbark canoe or traveled overland on foot and established a hunting camp from which moose, caribou and black and brown bear were harvested over the course of several weeks. A fire was kept going at the camp for the purpose of drying and smoking the meat. When enough animals had been taken, skin boats were constructed using the animal hides and the hunters drifted back downstream and returned to the winter villages with the supply of meat. The birchbark canoes were left at the hunting campsite.

Moose were traditionally harvested in spring, as well, often in April, at which time they provided the best quality hide for making babiche (rawhide line) which was used in manufacturing snowshoes. Spring moose were also valued for production of dry meat. Dry moose meat was a favorite food among area inhabitants. It was used throughout summer when families were at fish camp.

Moose hunting currently takes place during the September, November, and February seasons, as established by regulation. During the September season, transportation to hunting areas is usually by means of 16- to 23-foot wooden skiffs powered by 15- to 70-hp. motors. Wooden boats are preferred to aluminum, as they are considered quieter and more capable of hauling larger loads. Smaller motors give the hunters easier access to shallow creeks, sloughs, and the upper reaches of Kuskokwim River tributaries. Longer boats are advantageous when traveling in waterways where poling is necessary, as they are more easily moved in a straight line. During the November and February seasons, transportation is by snowmobile. Individuals who are in good physical condition and lack boats or snowmobiles may hunt on foot near the village using snowshoes. . . .

Environmental condition and seasonal habits of moose influence hunting locations and techniques, as well as hunting effectiveness. Knowledge of the behavioral patterns of moose and their responses to environmental stimuli is instrumental to success on the part of the hunter. While many local people attribute hunting success primarily to "good luck," technical skills are also integral components of hunting effectiveness. . . .

Production Units

Adult and adolescent males almost always engage in moose hunting. During the September season and extended family group, including relatives and in-laws such as wives, sisters, mothers, and/or daughters of the hunters, often camps together for up to a week. During this time, the females pick crowberries and lowbush cranberries, while the males hunt moose and black bear. Sometimes two or three households that may or may not be related will camp together in one area. These camps are typically in locations where individuals have had berry camps in previous years. Hunting may be pursued in the course of checking a trapline or may take place during day or overnight trips from the village. Extensive camping during these latter seasons is limited by cold weather. . . .

Distribution

The distribution of meat both within and among communities along kinship and friendship lines is common in Chuathbaluk and Sleetmute. Food sharing provides wild meat to both unsuccessful hunting households and households lacking hunters. Moose meat was also observed being distributed to other successful hunting households. A significant amount of distribution occurs when the meat is fresh. If a household is unsuccessful in harvesting moose during a particular season, it may be "loaned" meat by a successful hunting household. An equivalent amount of meat will be returned to the lending household following a subsequent season in which the latter household is successful. When an individual kills his first moose during his lifetime, all of the meat is given away to other households. Residents report that this practice ensures the hunter good luck and prosperity in future hunting endeavors. Some families give small portions of every kill to village elders in order to bring luck in the future according to local accounts. Village elders stated that when they were young, every game animal harvested by a community member was shared with the entire community. An array of wild game species was harvested and consumed at "potlatches" in which several communities participated. Wild game is currently shared village-wide during Russian Orthodox celebrations of Slavic (Russian Orthodox Christmas) weddings, and "40-days feasts." . . .

CARIBOU HUNTING

Harvest Methods

. . . Two harvest patterns currently prevail in Chuathbaluk and Sleetmute. During months of open water, transportation for caribou hunting is by boat and on foot. During winter, caribou hunting takes place by snowmobile. Fly-in hunting occasionally occurs by the few individuals owning aircraft or hunters who are invited to hunt by aircraft in exchange for labor. This occurs primarily during fall season. Individuals specifically hunting caribou tend to hunt during winter months when travel is easier. . . .

Hunting parties are typically composed of two related males between the ages of 18 and 50 who are capable of the physical exertion that may be required. These men are often brothers or first cousins. Once the meat is procured, it is quartered and taken back to the winter village to be further processed by female members of the household. Females occasionally participate in caribou hunting. Caribou meat obtained during fall season may be frozen in a freezer by those households owning one, or frozen out of doors if weather permits. It also may be cut into strips, smoked, and dried for the production of dried meat or jarred through the canning process. Caribou harvested during winter months are usually frozen out of doors. In Chuathbaluk and Sleetmute, distribution of caribou among households commonly occurs along lines of kinship and friendship. All of the meat from the first caribou harvested by an individual is reportedly distributed to other households in order to bring luck in future hunting endeavors. . . .

SMALL GAME AND WTERFOWL HUNTING

Small game species harvested seasonally in the central Kuskokwim are the snowshoe hare, porcupine, spruce and willow grouse, ptarmigan, great horned owl, and multiple species of migratory waterfowl including ducks, geese, swans, and cranes. Small game species are generally obtained close to the winter village or in the course of travelling or conducting other resource harvest activities such as trapping or moose hunting. These species are often relied upon as primary food sources during camping trips and are taken to provide variation in the usual diet, which is based on moose and fish species. Male household members harvest and often process small game, while female members of the household typically prepare it for eating or storage. Adolescent males are particularly active in the harvest of small game species. . . .

The harvest of small game typically occurs in close proximity to the winter village, trapping campsite, or in areas used for harvesting other resources such as moose, caribou, bear, and furbearers. . . .

PLANT GATHERING

A variety of plants are gathered and used by residents of Chuathbaluk and Sleetmute. Each community uses similar species, although the extent of harvest and use varies according to local abundance. . . .

Chuathbaluk and Sleetmute residents have harvested green plants both historically and presently for food, medicine, and ceremonial purposes. Greens are most commonly harvested and processed by females, although males and children may also participate in harvest activities. Most green plants are gathered close to the winter village and fish campsites or in the course of local boat travel. Greens are generally harvested by one or two females together during short morning or afternoon excursions for use by their household group. Formal organized gathering activities take place for the purpose of harvesting berries. . . .